Nicholas Harpsfield

Nicholas Harpsfield


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Nicholas Harpsfield, sin Johna Harpsfielda, se je rodil na ulici Old Fish Street leta 1519. Njegov oče je bil trgovec, vendar je kmalu prišel pod vpliv svojega strica, ki se je izobraževal na univerzi Oxford in na univerzi v Bologni, preden je postal uradnik arhiđakona Winchester katedrale. Harpsfield je bil leta 1529 sprejet kot štipendist Winchester Collegea. (1)

V tem obdobju se je spoprijateljil s Sir Thomasom Morejem in Williamom Roperjem, ki je bil poročen z njegovo hčerko Margaret Roper. Harpsfield se je kasneje spomnil podrobnosti svojega spora s Henrikom VIII. Glede ločitve od Katarine Aragonske. (2) Harpsfield je razkril tudi, kaj si javnost misli o Anne Boleyn: "Potem ni bilo nič tako običajnega in pogostega, kar bi se vsakomur motilo v usta, v vseh pogovorih in na vseh mizah, v vseh gostilnah, pivovarnah in brivnicah, ja, in tudi na prižnicah, kot je bila ta zadeva, nekaterim je bila všeč in dopuščajo ločitev, nekateri drugim zelo nasprotujejo. " (3)

Harpsfield je postal Nicholas in nadaljeval študij na New College, kjer je bil januarja 1535 izvoljen za sodelavca. Kot je njegov biograf Thomas S. Freeman poudaril, da je leta 1544 postal "ravnatelj bele dvorane v Oxfordu, hostla, ki ga obiskujejo predvsem študentje civilnega prava. , ki je stala na mestu današnje Jezusove šole ". (4)

Henry VIII je umrl 28. januarja 1547. Edward VI je bil star komaj devet let in je bil premlad za vladanje. Henry je v oporoki imenoval regentni svet, ki ga je sestavljalo 16 plemičev in cerkvenih sodelavcev, da bi njegovemu sinu pomagal pri upravljanju njegovega novega kraljestva. Kmalu je njegov vodja v vladi Edward Seymour, vojvoda od Somerseta, dobil naziv Lord Protector. Seymour je bil protestant in kmalu je začel spreminjati angleško cerkev. To je vključevalo uvedbo angleškega molitvenika in odločitev, da se članom duhovščine dovoli poroka. Poskušali so uničiti tiste vidike vere, ki so bili povezani s katoliško cerkvijo, na primer odstranitev vitražnih oken v cerkvah in uničenje verskih stenskih slik. Somerset je poskrbel, da se je Edward izobraževal kot protestant, saj je upal, da bo, ko bo dovolj star, da bo vladal, nadaljeval politiko podpiranja protestantske vere. (5)

Nicholas Harpsfield je menil, da je v nevarnosti in se je leta 1550 preselil v tujino na študij na univerzo v Louvainu. (6) Medtem ko je v Franciji napisal življenjepis Sir Thomasa Moreja, ki je bil usmrčen 6. julija 1535. (7) Knjiga, Življenje in smrt Sir Thomasa Moreja je bil pohvaljen kot prva popolna biografija "More in tudi (če upoštevamo pristranskost) njene natančne natančnosti. V biografiji je Harpsfield navedel nekatere pomisleke, ki so motivirali njegovo lastno kariero in spise: poudaril je in pohvalil Morejeve kontroverzna dela in njegovo preganjanje krivovercev, hkrati pa je častil More kot mučenca za vero. " (8)

Kralj Edward VI je umrl 6. julija 1553. Mary je bila prva ženska, ki je sama vladala Angliji. Za svojega lordnega kanclerja je imenovala škofa Stephena Gardinerja. V naslednjih dveh letih je Gardiner poskušal obnoviti katolištvo v Angliji. Na prvem parlamentu, ki je potekal po tem, ko je Marija prevzela oblast, je bila večina verske zakonodaje Edwardove vladavine razveljavljena. (9)

Nicholas Harpsfield se je vrnil v London, kjer je tesno sodeloval z Gardinerjem in kardinalom Reginaldom Poleom, novim nadškofom Canterburyja. Imenovan je bil za generalnega vikarja prestolnice. "Med novembrom 1554 in marcem 1558 je Harpsfield opravil obsežen obisk Londona, kjer je sodilo okoli štiristo kršiteljev. Cilji obiska so bili dobro izbrani, saj so bili poleg nekaterih vidnih motilcev miru ujeti tudi številni aktivni in goreči protestanti. Harpsfieldova mreža. " (10) John Foxe ga je opisal kot enega najbolj okrutnih preganjalcev Marijine vladavine. (11)

Harpsfield je postal glavni propagator kraljice Marije. To je vključevalo objavo Cranmerjevih Recantacyons, poročila o zaporu, sojenju in usmrtitvi nadškofa Thomasa Cranmerja. Vendar se je to v veliki meri obravnavalo kot neuspeh. Jasper Ridley je trdil, da je bila Cranmerjeva smrt kot propaganda katastrofa za kraljico Marijo. "Dogodka, ki mu je bilo priča na stotine ljudi, ni mogoče skrivati ​​in hitro se je razširila novica, da je bil Cranmer pred smrtjo zanikal njegovo odpoved. Vlada je nato spremenila njihovo stališče; priznali so, da je Cranmer umaknil svoje izreke, da so bili neiskreni, da je se je odpovedal le zato, da bi mu rešil življenje, in da so ga upravičeno zažgali kljub njegovim izrekanjem. Protestanti so nato v izboljšani obliki razdelili zgodbo o Cranmerjevi izjavi na kocki; razširili so govorice, ki jih je Cranmer na kocki zanikal kdaj je podpisal odpovedi in da so domnevne odpovedi ponaredili španski bratje kralja Filipa. " (12)

Harpsfield je tudi objavil Življenje in smrt Sir Thomasa Moreja (1557). (13) Zadnja knjiga, ki jo je Harpsfield napisal med Marijino vladavino, je bila Razprava o lažni ločitvi. To je v glavnem obravnavalo primer, ko se je Henrik VIII ločil od Katarine Aragonske. To je tudi napad na tiste politične in verske voditelje, kot so nadškof Cranmer, Thomas Cromwell, škof Hugh Latimer, škof Nicholas Ridley, škof Nicholas Shaxton in Miles Coverdale,

Poleti 1558 je kraljica Marija začela boleti v želodcu in je mislila, da je noseča. To je bilo za Marijo pomembno, saj je želela zagotoviti, da se bo katoliška monarhija nadaljevala po njeni smrti. Ne bi smelo biti. Mary je imela raka na želodcu. Mary je morala zdaj razmisliti o možnosti, da Elizabeth imenuje za svojo naslednico. "Mary je do zadnje minute odložila neizogibno poimenovanje svoje polsestre. Čeprav njuna razmerja nista bila vedno odkrito sovražna, je Mary že dolgo ni marala in ji ni zaupala. Sprva se ji je zamerila kot otroku lastne matere, v zadnjem času kot njena vse bolj verjetna naslednica. Vzela je izjemo tako pri Elizabethini veri kot pri svoji osebni priljubljenosti ter dejstvu, da sta bila najprej Wyattova in nato Dudleyjeva vstajanja namenjena, da bi namesto nje namestila princeso, pa je Mary ni imela več radi. Toda čeprav je bila večkrat pritisnjeno, da bi poslala Elizabeto v blok, se je Mary zadržala, morda odvrnjena od pomislekov na priljubljenost njene polsestre, ki jo je povečevalo njeno lastno brez otrok, morda zaradi nagonov usmiljenja. " 6. novembra je Elizabeto priznala za dediča. (14)

John Foxe je trdil, da je Harpsfield, ko je Mary umirala, odhitel nazaj iz Londona, da bi usmrtil krivoverce v Canterburyju, preden jih je novi režim odložil. (15) Kraljica Mary je 17. novembra 1558. umrla pri dvainštiridesetih letih. Naslednji mesec je Sir William Cecil ponudil Matthewu Parkerju mesto nadškofa v Canterburyju. Sprva je zavrnil trditev, da njegove sposobnosti niso sorazmerne s takšnimi odgovornostmi. (16) Poleg tega ni hotel razočarati pričakovanj svojih pokroviteljev glede njegove usposobljenosti. Vsekakor je bilo njegovo zdravje slabo. Vse, kar si je želel, je bil prebendalski dohodek, ki mu je omogočal oznanjevanje Božje besede "med preprostimi zabludelimi ovcami božje pastirja v ... revnih župnijah". (17)

Pod pritiskom Cecila se je Matthew Parker sčasoma strinjal, da bo postal canterburyjski nadškof. Imenovanje je bilo uradno objavljeno 1. avgusta 1559. Harpsfield je vodil večino članov Canterburyjskega poglavarja v njihovi zavrnitvi, da bi se udeležili volitev Parkerja. Harpsfieldu so odvzeli vse cerkvene službe in stanovanja ter ga poslali v zapor Fleet. (18) Kasneje istega leta je Parlament sprejel Zakon o nadvladi in Zakon o enotnosti. Dovoljena oblika čaščenja, predpisana z zakonom, je temeljila na molitveniku iz leta 1552, vendar je vključevala številne spremembe, namenjene temu, da bi bila sprejemljiva za zmerne in rimskokatolike. (19)

Medtem ko je v zaporu Harpsfield napisal obsežno knjigo, dolgo približno 1000 strani, je bil to podroben napad na Johna Foxeja in njegovo knjigo, Foxejeva knjiga mučenikov (1563). Foxe je kritiko jemal resno in to mu je pomagalo izboljšati drugo izdajo knjige. Thomas S. Freeman je poudaril, da je "druga izdaja Foxeja daleč presegla vsa prejšnja angleška zgodovinska dela v obsegu srednjeveških kronik in zgodovin, na katerih je temeljila." (20)

Harpsfield je objavil tudi anonimno Historia Anglicana Ecclesiastica. "Ta knjiga je razdeljena na dva dela. Prvi del predstavlja zgodovino vsake angleške škofije s poudarkom na apostolskem nasledstvu škofov, ohranjanju pravega nauka in rasti redovništva. Drugi del, v nasprotju s to zgodovino prava cerkev ... To je spretna sinteza ... zgodovinskih del Henryja Knightona, Thomasa Netterja in Thomasa Walsinghama, ki so Lollardyja upodabljali kot nadaljevanje starodavnih herezij in kot vir anarhije in upora ". (21)

Nicholas Harpsfield je bil zaradi slabega zdravja izpuščen zaradi varščine. Umrl je v Londonu 18. decembra 1575.

Do vstopa Edwarda VI je bil vzpon Harpsfielda v Oxfordu enakomeren in nemoten. Verska politika novega kralja pa je naredila Oxford za Harpsfield neprimerno mesto in leta 1550 se je preselil v tujino v Louvain; leto kasneje je maturiral na tamkajšnji univerzi. Med bivanjem v Louvainu je Harpsfield ostal pri Antoniju Bonvisiju, bogatem trgovcu, ki je bil eden od Morevih najbližjih prijateljev; člani družine More so takrat živeli tudi v gospodinjstvu Bonvisi.

Potem ni bilo nič tako običajnega in pogostega in tako vrženega v usta vsakega človeka, v vse pogovore in za vse mize, v vseh gostilnah, pivovarnah in brivnicah, ja in tudi na prižnicah, kot je bilo to nekaj, kar je bilo nekaterim všeč in dopuščajo ločitev, nekateri drugi pa tega zelo prezirajo.

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(1) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(2) Jasper Ridley, Državnik in fanatik (1982) stran 281

(3) Nicholas Harpsfield, Razprava o lažni ločitvi med Henrikom VIII in Katarino Aragonsko (ok. 1558) stran 177

(4) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(5) Dale Hoak, Edward VI: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(6) Jasper Ridley, Krvavi Marijini mučenci (2002) stran 88

(7) Peter Ackroyd, Tudorji (2012) stran 87

(8) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(9) David Loades, Marija Tudor (2012) stran 141

(10) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(11) Jasper Ridley, Državnik in fanatik (1982) stran 285

(12) Jasper Ridley, Krvavi Marijini mučenci (2002) stran 137

(13) Jasper Ridley, Državnik in fanatik (1982) stran 287

(14) Ann Weikel, Mary Tudor: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(15) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(16) David Crankshaw, Matthew Parker: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(17) J. Bruce in T. T. Perowne (urednika), Dopisovanje Matthewa Parkerja (1853) stran 50

(18) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(19) David Crankshaw, Matthew Parker: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(20) Thomas S. Freeman, John Foxe: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)

(21) Thomas S. Freeman, Nicholas Harpsfield: Oxfordski slovar nacionalne biografije (2004-2014)


Ⓘ Nicholas Harpsfield. Harpsfield se je izobraževal na Winchester Collegeu in študiral kanonsko in civilno pravo na New College v Oxfordu, leta 1543. prejel BCL.

Harpsfield se je izobraževal na Winchester Collegeu in študiral kanonsko in civilno pravo na New College v Oxfordu, leta 1543. prejel BCL. V Oxfordu se je povezal s krogom Thomasa Moreja, o katerem je kasneje napisal življenjepis, ki ga je posvetil Williamu Roperju v zahvalo za njegovo pokroviteljstvo. Z agresivnejšo versko politiko angleške reformacije po pristopu Edwarda VI leta 1547 je leta 1550 zapustil Anglijo, da bi nadaljeval študij na univerzi v Louvainu.


Harpsfield

Oporoka JOAN VISCOUNTESS LISLE.
Joan Viscountess L'isle, vdova, 8. avgusta 1500. Moje telo bo pokopano v župnijski cerkvi sv. Mihaela na Cornhillu, pod grobnico, kjer leži Robert Drope, pokojni moj mož. . moj nečak John Harpesfeld moj nečak Nicholas Harpesfeld, učenjak na Bononyju moj nečak George Harpesfeld moj nečak John Morton, draper z mojo nečakinjo Philippo Harpesfeld, ki se bo poročila s Thomasom Dynleyjem ccc mark Dorothy, hči Sir Williama Capela, vitez moj kum Reginald Bray , nečak gospoda Reginalda Braya Dokazano 21. novembra 1505


Obstaja rodovniška karta družine Norton, ki jo najdemo v "Herald and Genealogist, Volume 5", objavljenem 1870, strani 127-130. The
rodovniški zemljevid označuje Jane, vikonteso Lisle kot Jane
Norton, daughter of John Norton, Esq., "Lord of the dvorec of Nutley
in East Tisted, co. Hants. "Na lestvici so vse Jane Jane Norton
bližnjih sorodnikov, vključno z njenim bratom Richardom Nortonom in njenimi tremi
sestre, Christiana (žena Williama Moreja, esq.), Agnes (žena
Nicholas Harpesfeld, Esq.) In Alice (poroka ni identificirana), kot
pa tudi številni nečaki in nečakinje.


81. John Harpesfeld, draper, in Lewis Harpesfelde, mercer, iz Londona. Zaščita za eno leto v spremstvu Sir Gilberta Talbota, namestnika Calaisa. Del. Westm., 16. junij 5 Kokoš. VIII. S.B. Pat. 5 kokoš. VIII. str. 1, m 16. [4240.]
82. John in Lewis Harpesfelde. Nalog za zaščito in pisanje po statutu, imenovan za služenje v vojni pod vikontom Lisleom. 12. junij 5 Kokoš. VIII. [Del.] 16. junija. S.B. (podpisan: Charlys Lysley). [4241.]

Od: 'Henry VIII: junij 1513, 27-30', Pisma in dokumenti, tuji in domači, Henry VIII, letnik 1: 1509-1514 (1920), str. 918-940. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=102690 Datum dostopa: 21. oktober 2011.

British Archaeological Association Journal Journal of the British Archaeological Association (letnik 19). (stran 21
O Župnijski cerkvi WYKE,

nortlijeva stena je majhen vpisan kamen, ki ne meri več kot petnajst centimetrov v dolžino in dvanajst v višino. Ker je bilo narejenih več poskusov dešifriranja napisa in je njegova najboljša upodobitev (tukaj. Lyeth. G.. Docer. NAŠ. Spoštovan. PARSON. TUKAJ. 1513. APRIL. XIII.) Očitno napačna, si prizadevam dati ne le natančnega branja, ampak tudi dodati nekaj besed o posamezniku, ki ga spominja. Taki spomini iz šestnajstega stoletja so v tej občini primerjalno redki. Posledično se mi je zdelo vredno vrezati. (Glej tablico 14, slika 1.) Napis se glasi

TUKAJ. LYETH. GOSPOD. . DOCTER. HARPESFELDE. PARSON. TUKAJ.

1550. APRIL, v.- Rektor, ki se ga spominja na tako čuden način, je zgoraj omenjeni dr. Nicholas Harpesfeld, starešina, ki je bil dolga leta vodilni dostojanstvenik v škofiji Winchester. Rodil se je 2. februarja 1473 v Wyefordu v župniji Sherborne Priors v tem okrožju in bil leta 1486 sprejet za štipendista Winchester Collegea.
New College, Oxford in 23. junija 1400 sprejet kot učenjak te družbe, 23. junija 14f pa je pridobil liisellowsln'p 2.i 2. marca 149 (J-7) ga je ustanovil Dr. Oliver Kyng, škof Bath in Wells, v župnišče Uphill v okrožju Somerset na predstavitvi Johanne Viscountess Lisle, relikvije Edwarda pokojnega vikonta Lisleja.
pravica patronata te cerkve z dne 23. februarja 1497–8 izvem, da je bil Nicholas Harpesfeld takrat star štiriindvajset let, imel cerkveno podobo in je bil na dobrem glasu in pošten pogovor ter študiral v
univerzi v Oxfordu. Zaradi neke neformalnosti je bil 19. maja 1498 ponovno uvrščen v župnišče Uphill. 21. februarja 1497-8 ga je dr. Richard Redmayne, škof v Exeterju, postavil v župnišče.
podjetja Eeigneash, alias Ayshreyne, co. Devon, o predstavitvi Joanne Viscountess Lisle in Thomasa Specketa, gospod. Sir Nicholas Harpesfelde (kot so ga zdaj imenovali) je obdržal ta dva bivanja po apostolski razdelitvi,
z dne 19. aprila 1498 v Eomeju, za kar je zaprosil, da bi mu omogočil študij civilnega prava.^ Odstopil je od štipendije New College v januarju 1498-9. Nato je postal študent na slavni univerzi v Bologni, med študijem pa je kot romar obiskal Rim. Ko je vstopil v mesto v petek, 17. oktobra 1505, je trdil, da
pitality of the English Hospital, ki jo je kralj Resort Ina ustanovil za letovišče angleških romarjev leta 727. V začetku leta 1508 je odstopil s svojega župnišča v Somersetshireu in 29. marca istega leta generalni vikar od
škof v Bathu in Wellsu je na predstavitev Thomasa Knyveta, esq. Verjetno je v tem letu dobil
njegova prva korist v škofiji Winchester, - župnišču East Tisted, v grofiji Hants, - ki mu jo je predstavila družina Norton, ki se je Wykehamistom zdela zelo pristranska. Aprila 1524 ga je dr. Kichard Fox, škof A 'inchcster, in ustanovitelj koledža Corpus Christi v Oxfordu, imenoval za svojega komisarja in generalnega sekvestratorja v celotnem arhidiakonatu Winchester in istega leta, 2. decembra, prisoten je bil v kapitlju katedrale Winchester kot eden izmed podjetij pri volitvah za Dom. Henry Brook, profesor svete teologije, kot prior stolne cerkve sv. Swithuna v Winchesterju. Leta 1526 je bil imenovan za uradnika
arhiđakona Winchesterja Eicharda Patesa, ki je bil 3. marca 1526-7 vključen v to pisarno, njegovo komisijo pa je obnovil gospod William Boleyn, ki je 20. januarja 1529-30 nasledil naddekonat. Zmožnost najdem, da je 9. marca 1526–7 in po njem podeljeval zapuščine oporoke v samostanski cerkvi bratov karmelovcev v Sokeju v Winchesterju in po zatrtju verskih hiš ga ni hotel uradno
ciate na podoben način v sosednji župnijski cerkvi svetega Mihaela, Kingsgate-street. 21. januarja 1526–7 ga je škof Fox poslal v župnišče Havanta, CO. Hants, razveljavljen z odstopom gospoda Edwa. Coren, S.T.P
Škof Fox je umrl v ponedeljek, 5. oktobra 1528, v škofiji Winchester ga je nasledil kardinal Wolsey. Kardinal je za svojega generalnega komisarja v celotni škofiji imenoval dr. Harjjesfelda, od zdaj naprej se vedno imenuje "Nicholas Harpesfeld, doktor odlokov, generalni komisar najčasnejšega očeta v Kristusu in Gospod Lord Thomas, kardinal nadškof York in legat apostolskega sedeža, tudi škof Winchester v svojem mestu in škofiji Winchester, tudi uradnik gospoda Arhiđakona Winchesterja. "

18. decembra 1531 je na konzistorijalnem sodišču stolne cerkve v Winchesterju gospodu Edmundu Stewardu, doktorju prava in rektorju Eastona, izročil pisma patenta dr. Stephena Gardinerja, na novo posvečenega.
škof Winchester, zapečaten z ol> dolgim ​​pečatom, vtisnjen v rdeči vosek in podpisan z roko omenjenega desnega časnega očeta, ki je imenoval prej omenjenega] Ir. Edmunda Stewarda, njegovega duhovnika v duhovnosti, "ki jih je liim spoštljivo sprejel in jih je na njegov ukaz javno prebral gospod John Cooke, notar in kasneje, na prošnjo in zahtevo omenjenega gospoda Nicholasa llarpesfeldeja. Doktor odlokov, sprejel je breme komisije, za
v božjo čast in v spoštovanje do omenjenega častitljivega očeta. "27. istega meseca najdem dr. Nicholasa Harpesfeldeja kot uradnika naddijakona Winchesterja, ki je pomagal pri ustoličenju škofa Gardinerja: res,
bil je ena od treh oseb, ki jim je dr. William Warham, naddekon v Canterburyju, pripisal svoja pooblastila in pooblastila za ustoličenje škofa. Zdi se, da je škof Gardiner obnovil komisijo škofa Foxa, kot je zapisano v
sodni postopek proti Eobertu Cooku iz podjetja Eye, co. Sussex, ki je bil na konzistorijalnem sodišču v Winchesterju, pred škofovskim generalnim vikarjem, 1. marca 1533–4, med tistimi, ki so imenovani kot prisotni, prihaja »Nicholas
Harpesfeld, doktor odlokov, komisar omenjenega častitljivega očeta, v naddekonatu Winchester, tudi uradnik gospoda naddijakona. "5. decembra 1538 sta mu prior in samostan katedrale Winchester dala v najem,
šestdeset let je neko stanovanje v ulici Kingsgate, Whichester, na novo popravljeno, z novim hlevom in vrtom, ki leži med stanovanjem in vrtom omenjenega predstojnika in samostana ter v bližini cerkve in kraja poznega
Fratri karmeličani, na južni strani in nasproti stanovanja upravnika in sodelavcev New Collegea v Winchesterju, v bližini cerkve sv. Mihaela, na zahodni strani. V tem dokumentu je napisan kot "Nicholas Harpisfelde, duhovnik, z ulice Kingsgate v ulici Soke pri Winchesterju, v okrožju Southampton, doktor prava." Ob vhodu je moral plačati 4 €, za popravila in 10s. letno pozneje, plačljivo četrtletno v enakih delih. Leta 1542 ga je škof Gardiner zbral v župnišče Wyke, sicer Weke, ki je bilo izgubljeno zaradi smrti gospoda AVilliama A^tkinsona, njegovega pokojnega rektorja. Junija 1543 je odstopil s svojega župnišča East Tisted
župnišča Havant oktobra istega leta in njegovega župnišča Ashreigny v Devonshireu junija ali julija iz registra dr. Johna Veysyja, škofa Exeterja, izvem, da je IG. John Bagbere je bil ustanovljen v župnijski cerkvi Aysherigney, razveljavljeni z odstopom dr. Nicholasa Harpesfelda, na predstavitvi Anthonyja Harvyja, esq. Med dodatnimi MSS. v Britislijevem muzeju je mogoče videti obseg dvaindvajsetih folijev, ki so jih skrbniki prestregli 12. marca 1842 pokojnega jMr. Rodd, prodajalec knjig, ki je prej pripadal Rev. J. Priceu Trinity College, Ta MS. je zapisnik ali knjiga dejanj o obisku naddijakonata Winchester,
ki jo je imel dr. Nicholas Harpesfeld leta 1543. Začne se z avitovsko dekanijo v Basingstokeu, vodi pa jo: "Obisk, ki ga je 29. marca leta 1543 v župnijski cerkvi v Basyngstokeu opravil mojster Nicholas Harp-
isfeld, uradnik Lorda Arhiđakona Winchesterja. "^ Skoraj vsi dekanati se začnejo s podobnim naslovom. Njegov obisk dekanije Alton je potekal v župnijski cerkvi Alton 30. dekanije Alresford v župnijski cerkvi iMartyr. AVorthy, 31. dekanije Andover, v torek, 3. aprila, v župnijski cerkvi dekanije Andover Southampton, v župnijski cerkvi Holy Rood, dekaniji Southampton Droxford '6. v župnijski cerkvi
južnega stenja dekanije na otoku AVight 10., v kapeli dekanije Newport Fordingbridge, v kapeli Lymington, 11. aprila in dekanata Somborne in AVinchester 16. avgusta, v cerkvi sv. Marije Kaleudar,
AA^palčni. Vse to je dr. Harpesfeld osebno, razen obiska otoka AVight, ki ga je namestil gospodu Ranulphu Harwardu, rektorju Gatcombe. 20. oktobra 1546 je dekan in kapitul AA^in-
chesterjeve katedrale, ki so mu jo za enaindvajset let od prejšnjega praznika sv. Mihaela nadangela dali v najem, ob letni najemnini dvanajst penijev, skupaj s tem zneskom globe za vsako smrt ali izogibanje, je bila zgrajena nova hiša pri
edini stroški in stroški omenjenega "Nicholas Harpy sf eld, uradnik, župnik župnijske cerkve AA^eke" in kos prostega zemljišča ali vrta v Weku. Hiša in zemlja, dolga dvainšestdeset čevljev in šestnajst čevljev v širino, sta se naslonili na kraljevo avtocesto severozahodno in južno, in
ob bližnjem Ijclongingu do Richarda Complyna na vzhodni strani. V začetku leta (154G) je dr. Harpesfeld, morda opozorjen z napredovanjem let in posledičnim propadanjem fizične moči, ali opozorjen zaradi neurejenega vidika religij pred Fuirji, odstopil od svojih uradnih imenovanj^ in se upokojil v Wyke, da bi se imel prosti čas, da bi se pripravil na drug svet, in glede na to, da je med njegovimi učinki imenovan horselitter, je lahko razumno
sklenil, da je nazadnje vsaj telesno oslabel ali ga je zatirala bolezen. Njegova oporoka, napisana z lastno roko, je datirana na 3
Marca 1.549-50 in v soboto, 15. istega meseca, je svojo zemeljsko kariero zaključil pri starosti šestinšestdesetih let, enem mesecu in trinajstih dneh. Za duhovnika in gospoda Nicholasa je imenoval svoje nečake, gospoda Johna Harpesfeldeja
Harpesfelde, diplomirani pravnik, njegovi izvršitelji^ in slednji so oporoko dokazali 20. maja 1550. Dokument vsebuje več dobrodelnih zapuščin in imenuje dva ali tri njegove revnejše župljane kot posebne predmete njegovega bogastva.
Čeprav je bil dolga leta na visokem položaju v cerkvi, se bo videlo, da njegovih posvetnih dobrin ni bilo le malo, ampak tudi majhne vrednosti, ne več kot llG: 2: 2 in 2020 v denarju. Zapuščine, navedene v oporoki, znašajo
več kot 21 in od te vsote pusti 7:10, da se razdeli med revne ljudi v Winchesterju.

V imenu Boga, amen. Kadar koli bo to všeč Vsemogočnemu
Bog, naj me pokliče s tega prehodnega sveta, hočem, da bo to stalo
za mojo zadnjo voljo in oporoko. In primis, priporočam svojo dušo
Vsemogočni Bog in naši blagoslovljeni gospe devica mati našega Odrešenika
Jezus Kristus in nebeški verniki, moje telo je treba pokopati
v ChaunceU Weke ali tam, kjer bo všeč vsemogočnemu Bogu.
Moje dobro, da ga odložita gospod John Harpesfeld perst in gospod Nicolas
HaT "pesfeld diplomirani pravnik in especiaU zaveščam cerkvi
Weke xxs. Element, spomnite se na uporabnike Wynchestera vijZi. xs.
Artikel na naslovu Havant xl.s. Predmet mojemu služabniku Thomasu besj^de
njegove plače xs. Predmet Mother Alices xs. Predmet odpuščam gospodu Anthonyju
Parker xxs. kar mi dolguje.^ Postavka odpuščam Cheynye xiijs. iiijcZ.
kar mi dolguje. Predmet, ki ga dajem omenjenemu Cheynyjevemu sinu, moj bog
sin xs. Artikel, ki sem ga dal v zakup, je med mojimi stroški v Wekeu
mojim omenjenim Izvršiteljem in daljši med njimi in po njih
v primeru smrti, če se kateri koli let vrne, dam isti najem v svoje roke
krščeni sin Christopher Smyth. Predmet omenjenega Christopherjevega sina I
daj xs. Artikel, Syru Thomasu Dackcombeju sem dal xls.^ Artikel, staremu
Angell js. viij'i. zanj in njegovo ženo. Artikel, materi Meryman iijs.
iiij (7. predmet, materi Hether iijs. iiijcZ. predmet, gospe Dyall xls.
Predmet Syr Emanuell [majska obveznica] ^ Zapuščam enega od svojih starih goAATies in iij.N ". 'Uiyl. Predmet, moji božji hčerki v Havantu vj.s. viij (/-. Artikel,
Odpuščam Kerbyju xxs. Točka, s katero se bodo moji izvršitelji strinjali
Arches.^ Točka I wyll Mr., Argall be commonde withhall for my dettes
gospodu Barrat.2 Preostanek vseh mojih dobrin, ki jih nisem zavezal, sem gevc in
bequethe istemu gospodu Johnu in Nicholasu Harpesfeldu, ki sem ga jaz
ordayn in mojim izvršiteljem omogočiti, da po lastni presoji razpolagajo z
v božjo čast in za mojo zemljo ozdraviti s svetovanjem Syr Johna Bakersa
celico, ki sem ga ordayn nadzornik te moje volje desyringe do accej) t
enako. Točka bom, da ima omenjeni Syr John Baker xls. za njegovo
councell in helpe. ^^ Wytness tega zakona iij^ Marche v letih
oure lorde God, 1549. Syi 'Thomas Dackney perst, Syr Emanuell
Maybond perst, Thomas Meke.

"Probatum fait hujus testamcntum coram Magistro Edmundo
Stewarde, Legum Doctore, Reverendi in Christo patris
Domini, Domini Stephani Wintonicnsis Episcopi, Vicario
in spiritualibus generali, apud Winton. xx "" mensis
Maii anno Domini 1550. Commissa fuit administratio
omnium bonorum Nicholao Hai-pesfeld izvršitelj uni,
in hujusmodi testamento nominato, ac in forma jmis
jurato reservata potestate committendi consimilem ad-
ministrationem Johanni Harpesfeld alteri executori in
eodem testamento nominato cum voluerit eum accepttere.

["Summa inventarii xxxvjK. Ijs. Ijc ?.]

"Popis g. Doktorja Harpsfeldeja pokojnega Wykeja
XV. marčevski dan, ki ga je slavil S> t Thomas Dackliam perst,
Harry Wade in Richarde Complyn sta sodelavca Wyke tlic
xvj. dan omenjenega denarja.


Zakaj bi bilo treba izpeljavo ene same besede, kot je "tawdry", navesti na spletnem mestu, specializiranem za etimologijo fraz? Dva razloga: prvi je okrajšava za besedno zvezo „tawdry čipke“ (od tega kasneje kasneje) in drugi, všeč mi je izpeljanka, zato sem se odločil, da jo prikradem.

Za razlago besede tawdry se moramo vrniti v Anglijo iz 7. stoletja in zgodbo o Etheldridi, hčerki kralja vzhodne Anglije, ki je bila sicer znana kot Saint Audrey.

Audrey je umrla leta 679 po tumorju v grlu. Zapisal ga je častitljivi Bede leta Cerkvena zgodovina, 731 našega štetja, da je njena usoda veljala za maščevanje, saj je "zaman razkrila svoj vrat s številnimi čudovitimi ogrlicami".

V 16. stoletju je Nicholas Harpsfield, nadškof v Canterburyju, objavil svojo cerkveno zgodovino Historia Anglicana Ecclesiastica in komentiral:

"Naše Angleške ženske ne bodo imele okoli vratu določene ogrlice iz tanke in fine svile."

Te svile so bile znane kot čipke svete Audrey.

Sčasoma je sv. Audrey's čipka "se je skrajšala na" taudrey čipka ". To za nas, ki živimo v Yorkshireu, ni presenetljivo, kjer sta izraza, kot sta „drugi“ in „navzdol v luknji“, že dolgo nadomestila „t’other“ in „down t'ole“. V svoji pesmi iz leta 1579 Shepherdov koledar, Edmund Spenser je v opozorilu pastirskim hčeram omenil "tawdrie čipke":

Glej, da s svojo sramoto ne sramotiš:
Pripnite svoje filete,
In opasite svoje odpadke,
Za več finosti s čipko tawdrie.

"Tawdry" do tistega datuma še ni razvil "razkošnega/slabe kakovosti", kar pomeni, da ga zdaj uporabljamo, ampak je začel na svoji poti tja. Kar se je začelo kot ime za čipkast trak, je postalo ponižujoč izraz za čipko slabe kakovosti, ki so jo na podeželskih sejmih kupile podeželske deklice. Ko je Shakespeare želel ustanoviti Mopso, deželno klovnovo dekle v Zimska zgodba, kot manj kot prefinjeno, jo je upodobil kot zanimivo za lahkomiselno razkošno obleko in ji dal to vrstico:

Pridite, obljubili ste mi čipko in par sladkih rokavic.

"Tawdry" že dolgo odstopa od vsakršne povezanosti s svetniki ali dragimi ogrlicami in je zdaj popolnoma negativen opis. Vsem Audreyjem zunaj, žal, ampak, kot bi rekli tukaj, si samo t'Audrey.


Reformirani cerkveniki

Harpsfield, Nicholas. Navidezna ločitev med Henrikom VIII in Katarino Aragonsko. Ni lokacije: Hardpress Publishing, 2013.

Treba je opozoriti, da je bil gospod Harpsfield tudi marijanski in papeški romanist, ki je napisal več zvezkov in nadzoroval 100 -ih kazenskih procesov proti reformiranim cerkovnikom. Foxe pravi, da ni bil brez zdravnika. ” Zamenjal je tudi brata gospoda Cranmerja kot naddijakona v Canterburyju. On je pisal Šest dialogov pa tudi ta zvezek. Mr. Harpsfield did brig time under Ms. (Queen) Elizabeth 1.

Wikipedia, an unscholarly source, said this: “Harpsfield defiantly opposed the new regime of Elizabeth I, opposing the election of Matthew Parker and refusing to subscribe to the Book of Common Prayer. At some point between 1559 and 1562, he was committed to Fleet Prison, together with his brother John Harpsfield for his refusal to swear the Oath of Supremacy. He remained in prison until his release on health grounds in 1574, sixteen months before his death.”

There is no Table of Contents. It appears, upon perusal, to be structured into four books. It is allegedly written during Queen Mary’s time.

However, before getting to Mr. Harpsfield’s work, there are a few peculiarities:

1. An odd “Preface” by Mr. Nicholas Pocock from 1878,

2. A “Last Will,” of all things, dated 1707 and a book recommendation from a father to a son, a Charles Eyston Sr. to Charles Eyston Jr., to wit, The Pretended Divorce,

3. A hagiographical “Introduction to the Life of Nicholas Harpsfield” by Mr. Nicholas Sanders, our old friend, who wrote in Elizabeth’s times as an exile from England (1585).

All of this before one gets to Mr. Harpsfield's work.

The Preface by Mr. Pocock in 1878:

Mr. Pocock read a paper at the Bristol Branch of the English Church Union (ECU) in 1875. Lord Acton responds to Mr. Pocock.

We insert this immediately. Mr. Pocock was already a Tractarian. The English Church Union was Anglo-Catholic. that is, 2.0 Anglicans, oz Non-Papal Romanists kot Misters Iker, Ackerman and Sutton of the ACNA. For Americans, it is difficult to understand this neo-Puritan, Romanticized, and atavistic movement within the Reformed Church of England. or an alleged Reformed Church. That must be discounted, if not dismissed, these days.

The ECU was an advocacy group within the Church of England. It was founded on May 12, 1859 to challenge the authority of the English civil courts to determine questions of doctrine. It was active in defending Anglo-Catholic, or Tractarian and Ritualistic priests such as Arthur Tooth, Sidney Faithorn Green and Richard William Enraght against legal action brought under the Public Worship Regulation Act 1874. In 1933 it merged with the Anglo-Catholic Congress to form the present organization.

Mr. Pocock read his paper at an ECU meeting. He casually alluded to the story of Mrs. Cranmer “being carried about in a chest with breathing holes during the time when the Six Articles were in force.” Lord Acton challenged Mr. Pocock, to wit, that the story rested on the report of Mr. Nicholas Sanders (Sander, Nicholas. The Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism. Charlotte, NC: Tan Book and Publishers, 2009) whom Bishop Burnet had rebutted. Burnet’s view had prevailed since the late 17th century, but Mr. Pocock in the late 19th century changed his opinion on the story in favor of Sanders. He changed his views on Burnet's rebuttal of Sanders. Unfortunately, he doesn't tell us why. Just that Sanders-Harpsfield are right and Burnet wrong.

Pocock gratuitously slams Merle D’Aubigne’s apology as “a ridiculous remark.” Mr. D’Aubigne apologized for “Mrs. Cranmer not being presented at the court…unnecessary…and might have embarrassed the pious German lady.”

Although, as an aside, this does raise questions worth pursuing in a few other directions.

Then, Mr. Pocock discovers that the Sanders-story was thinly supported but went back to his earlier source, Mr. Harpsfield, author of the present volume under review.

He did further research and found 4 texts of Harpsfield. Each version had 314, 115, 107, and 92 pages, respectively. The "Preface" is largely Mr. Pocock’s discussion of the textual history.

The will and letter to a son dated 1707:

It contains a letter to his son, Charles Eyston, from his father, Charles Eyston, recommending the bequeathed manuscript to junior. It will enlarge the son’s mind. It has “inconsiderable value to a Catholic” because the Reformation was “Interest and not Religion” which began the “schism.” Mr. Harpsfield was the “last Catholic Archdeacon of Canterbury” he tells his son. He then tells us that the printer was William Cartar, the amanuensis for Harpsfield during Mary’s time. But, this was made known in Elizabeth’s time. The printer was seized in 1583, tried, convicted, and “hanged, drawn, and quartered.” The father writes this from East Hendred, January 19th, 1707.

This gives a sense of recusancy, or English Papal Romanism, in the early 18th century. It still existed.

"Introduction on the Life of Nicholas Harpsfield" by Nicholas Sanders:

1. Born in London. No date is given.
2. His brother was an Archdeacon during Mary’s reign.
3. Nicholas is chosen a Fellow at New College, Oxford.
4. 1544, Principal of White Hall, Oxford.
5. 1544, the King’s Professor of Greek at Oxford.
6. Upon Edward’s accession, he voluntarily fled England.
7. Upon Mary’s accession, he returned and completed the Doctorate of Law at Oxford.
8. Went to London and Court of Arches.
9. 1554, his brother replaced Cranmer’s brother, Edmund Cranmer, as the Archdeacon of Canterbury.
10. At the Court of Arches, he held countless trials. “Heresy had spread itself throughout the diocese of Canterbury that Dr. Harpsfield was forced to use more than ordinary rigour to suppress it.”
11. Foxe charged Harpsfield “with cruelty.”
12. Upon Elizabeth’s accession, he was chosen by Elizabeth to be the first Prolocutor of the Convocation.
13. In March 1559, he is ordered to dispute as a Romanist articles of religion. He refused and he, along with six others, went to the Tower.
14. The other six clerics were: Dr. Bayne (bp. of Litchfield), Dr. Scot (bp. of Chester), Dr. Oglethorpe (bp. of Carlisle), Dr. Cole (Dean of St. Paul’s), Dr. Chadsey (Archdeacon of Middlesex), and Dr. Langdale (Archdeacon of Lewes).
15. July 1559, he was deprived of ecclesiastical preferments and imprisoned.
He was imprisoned until his release in 1574 on grounds of health, months before his death in 1575.
Mr. Sanders summarizes Mr. Harpsfield:
1. “Grace and prudent man”
2. “Sincere and candid in his behavior”
3. “An able divine”
4. “An inexhausted fountain of all good literature”

Before getting to Mr. Harpsfield's "Pretended Divorce," we get a "Preface by Nicholas Pocock," a "Letter and Will," and an "Introduction to the Life of Nicholas Harpsfield" by Nicholas Sanders.

A Protestant Reformation with modest Reformed credentials arose out of this chaos and disorder? Well, "something" of "some kind" of Reformed Church of England emerged for perhaps 80 years. until William Laud's "Anti-Calvinism," repressions, arrogances, and slight learnedness. What a mess!


The forty-four dilati

These, as has been explained above, are those "put off" for further proof. Of these, the majority were confessors, who perished after a comparatively short period of imprisonment, though definite proof of their death ex oerumnis is not forthcoming.

Under Queen Elizabeth (18)

Robert Dimock, hereditary champion of England, was arrested at Mass, and perished after a few weeks' imprisonment at Lincoln, 11 Sept., 1580 John Cooper, a young man, brought up by the writer, Dr. Nicholas Harpsfield, and probably a distributor of Catholic books, arrested at Dover and sent to the Tower, died of "hunger, cold, and stench", 1580 Mr. Ailworth (Aylword), probably of Passage Castle, Waterford, who admitted Catholics to Mass at his house, was arrested, and died after eight days, 1580 William Chaplain p., Thomas Cotesmore p., Roger Holmes p., Roger Wakeman p., James Lomax p., perished in 1584. Cotesmore was a bachelor of Oxford in 1586 of Wakeman's suffering several harrowing details are on record. Thomas Crowther p., Edward Pole p., John Jetter p., and Laurence Vaux p., perished in 1585 John Harrison p., 1586 Martin Sherson p., and Gabriel Thimelby p., 1587 Thomas Metham S.J., 1592 Eleanor Hunt and Mrs. Wells, gentlewomen, on unknown days in 1600 and 1602.

Under the Commonwealth (8)

Edward Wilkes p., died in York Castle before execution in 1642 Boniface Kempe (or Francis Kipton) and Idlephonse Hesketh (or William Hanson) O.S.B., professed of Montserrat, seized by Puritan soldiery in Yorkshire, and worried to death, 26 July (?), 1644 Richard Bradley S.J., b. at Bryning Hall, Lancs., 1605, of a well-known Catholic family, seized, imprisoned, but died before trial at Manchester, 20 Jan, 1640 John Felton, S.J., visiting another Father in Lincoln, was seized and so badly used that, when released (for no one appeared against him) he died within a month, 17 Feb., 1645 Thomas Vaughan of Cortfield p., and Thomas Blount p., imprisoned at Shrewsbury, d. at unknown date Robert Cox, O.S.B., died at the Clink Prison, 1650.

During the Oates Plot (10)

Thomas Jennison S.J., d. after twelve months' imprisonment, 27 Sept., 1679. he had renounced a handsome inheritance in favour of his brother, who, nevertheless, having apostatized, turned king's evidence against him. William Lloyd, d. under sentence of death, Brecknock, 1679. Placid Aldham or John Adland (O.S.B.), a convert clergyman, chaplain to Queen Catherine of Braganza, d. under sentence in 1679. William Atkins, S.J., condemned at Stafford, was too deaf to hear the sentence. When it was shouted in his ear he turned and thanked the judge he was reprieved and died in bonds, 7 March, 1681. Richard Birkett p., d. 1680 under sentence in Lancaster Castle but our martyrologists seem to have made some confusion between him and John Penketh, S.J., a fellow prisoner (see Gillow, Cath. Rec. Soc., IV, pp. 431-440). Richard Lacey (Prince), S.J., Newgate, 11 March, 1680 William Allison p., York Castle, 1681 Edward Turner, S.J., 19 March, 1681, Gatehouse Benedict Counstable, O.S.B., professed at Lamspring, 1669, 11 Dec., 1683, Durham Gaol William Bennet (Bentney), S.J., 30 Oct., 1692, Leicester Gaol under William III.

Others put off for various causes (8)

John Mawson, 1614, is not yet sufficiently distinguished from John Mason, 1591 there is a similar difficulty between Matthias Harrison, assigned to 1599, and James Harrison, 1602 William Tyrrwhit, named by error for his brother Robert likewise the identity of Thomas Dyer, O.S.B., has been been fully proved James Atkinson, killed under torture by Topcliffe, but evidence is wanted of his consistency to the end. Fr. Henry Garnet, S.J., was he killed ex odio fidei, or was he believed to be guilty of the Powder Plot, by merely human misjudgment, not through religious prejudice? The case of Lawrence Hill and Robert Green at the time of the Oates Plot is similar. Was it due to odium fidei, or an unprejudiced error?


1 ‘multa absona atque inconcinna, amentium more, effunderet’. John Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum…commentarii (Basel: J. Oporinus and N. Brylinger, 1559), 139.

2 ‘demum in mediis flammis Domini Jesu Christi saepe inclamato nomine magna cum tranquillitate vitam eum Domino comendasse vidimus’, Foxe, Rerum, 139.

3 For the English laws on heresy at the time, see More , Thomas , The Debellation of Salem and Bizance , eds. John Guy, Ralph Keen, Clarence H. Miller and Ruth McGugan ( New Haven : Yale University Press , 1987 ), xlvii – lxxvii Google Scholar .

4 Foxe , John , Actes and monuments of these latter and perilous dayes touching matters of the Church… ( London : John Day , 1563 ): STC 11222, 570 – 571 Google Scholar . (Hereafter this edition will be cited as 1563).

10 Prav tam compare Isaiah 53:7.

11 Hope , Andrew , ‘ Lollardy: the Stone the Builders Rejected? ’ in Protestantism and the National Church in Sixteenth Century England , ed. Peter Lake and Maria Dowling ( London : Croom Helm , 1987 ), 5 Google Scholar .

12 The National Archive, PROB 11/17/332. (Hereafter the National Archive will be cited as TNA). William Cowbridge was bequeathed £20 and houses, woods, groves and land, in and out of Colchester.

13 The steeple of the church had just been finished when Robert Cowbridge died see Essex Record Office D/ACR1/138. His bequest may well have been motivated more by civic pride than piety.

14 For Katherine Bardfield as well as the Bardfields and Colchester Lollards, see Hope , Andrew , ‘ The Lady and the Bailiff: Lollardy Among the Gentry in Yorkist and Early Tudor England ’ in Lollardy and the Gentry in the Later Middle Ages , ed. Margaret Aston and Colin Richmond ( Stroud : Sutton Publishing , 1997 ), 262 Google Scholar . It should be noted that Shannon McSheffrey is less certain that the Bardfields were Lollards see Gender and Heresy: Women and Men in Lollard Communities, 1420–1530 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 133. We find Hope’s observations on this subject more convincing.

15 Strype , John , Ecclesiastical memorials…under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI and Queen Mary I , 3 vols ( Oxford : Clarendon Press , 1822 ), 1:pt. 1, 121 Google Scholar and 129.

16 British Library, Harley MS 421, fo. 30r printed in J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner and R.H. Brodie, eds., Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–47, 21 vols (London: Longman, Green, Longman & Roberts,1862–1910), 4:pt. 2, št. 4545. (Hereafter the Letters and Papers are cited as L&P).

17 A further indication of this is Foxe’s comment in his 1563 account that Thomas Audley, the Lord Chancellor at the time of Cowbridge’s execution, was ‘somewhat allied’ to the condemned man, 1563, 571. This is quite possible as Audley, the former town clerk of Colchester and a MP for the town could very easily have been linked to Cowbridge through marriage or even mutual friends. In any case, the comment does suggest that Foxe’s source had some knowledge of the Cowbridge family.

18 In the letter, Cowbridge states that he is 38 years old (TNA SP 1/104, fo. 256r). The letter is calendared (L&P 10: no. 1253) and the editor dated it to 1536. There is no date on the original letter and we do not how know the editor arrived at his date of 1536, but if it is correct, then William Cowbridge was born around 1498. There is further corroboration that this date is not far off. In his will, Richard Cowbridge describes his son William as a minor who had not yet come of age (TNA PROB 11/17/332).

20 For Lollard activities in Wantage and the surrounding area as late as 1521, see Thomson , J. A. F. , The Later Lollards 1414–1520 ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1965 ), 80 – 81 Google Scholar and Plumb , J. H. , ‘ John Foxe and the Later Lollards of the Thames Valley ’ (PhD Thesis, University of Cambridge , 1987 ), 78 Google Scholar .

21 Henry I had granted the parish church to the abbey of Bec. It, along with all the properties of Bec in England, was administered by the abbey’s daughter house at Ogbourne. In 1208, these properties were incorporated into the newly formed prebend of Ogbourne at Salisbury cathedral. During this time, however, the abbey of Ogbourne retained the right of presentment to the living. In 1414, Henry V dissolved the alien priories and his brother John, Duke of Bedford, farmed the property of Ogbourne abbey until 1421, at which point he gave the property and spirituality of Wantage to the warden and chaplains of St. George’s Chapel at Windsor. St. George’s retained the advowson and the rectory manor of Wantage throughout the early modern period. See Ditchfield , P. H. and Page , W. , eds., The Victoria History of the County of Berkshire , 4 vols ( London : Victoria County History , 1906 –1924)Google Scholar , 1:328 and 4:329, as well as Morgan , M. M. , The English Lands of the Abbey of Bec ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1946 ), 131 – 132 Google Scholar and 138–9.

22 TNA SP 1/104, fos. 256r–257r.

23 Dickens , A. G. , Lollards and Protestants in the Diocese of York 1509–1558 ( London : The Hambledon Press , 1982 ), 146 Google Scholar .

24 It is possible that the rent Cowbridge refers to can be identified. In 1351, William Fitz Waurin received a license to alienate property to the value of £15 to support three chaplains to celebrate mass daily in the church of Wantage for his soul and the souls of Edward III and his queen, H. C. Maxwell Lyte, ed. The Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III 16 vols (London: His Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1891–1916), 9:108). In 1358, Fitz Waurin was granted permission to divert £10 per annum from the money for the chantry to a house of friars at Hounslow. 100 shillings a year were allotted to a chaplain to celebrate mass daily at Wantage (CPR Edward III, 11:44). Cowbridge was probably being paid a portion of this sum to act as a de facto curate at Wantage.

25 Cowbridge’s hopes were realistic. From 1534 onwards evangelicals were openly preaching and agitating for the abolition of chantries. Although they were, for the time being, unsuccessful, it looked as if chantries might be abolished by the 1536 Parliament. See Kreider , Alan , English Chantries: The Road to Dissolution ( Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press , 1979 ), 116 – 120 Google Scholar also Lehmberg , Stanford E. , The Reformation Parliament 1529–1536 ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2008 ), 227 Google Scholar . In fact, Cowbridge’s hopes that Parliament would deal with chantries may be the reason why this letter was dated to 1536 in L&P (see note 18 above).

27 As will be seen, two men of Windsor would complain to Cromwell about the fairness of Cowbridge’s trial. They might have sent this letter to Cromwell in an attempt to win Cromwell’s sympathy by demonstrating Cowbridge’s hostility to monasticism, purgatory and chantries.

28 Lincoln Archives Office, Register 26, fo. 284v. Hereafter LAO.

29 When he was accused of heresy, it was charged that Cowbridge preached in the parish church (LAO, Register 26, fo. 284v). The circumstances are unknown as, thanks to a lack of surviving records from Standlake, is the question of whether the parish had a resident incumbent at the time.

30 Foxe , John , The first volume of the ecclesiasticall history contayning the actes and monuments of thynges passed in every kynges tyme in this realme, especially in the Church of England 2 vols. ( London : John Day , 1570 ), 2: 957 – 960 Google Scholar . Hereafter this work will be cited as 1570.

31 TNA SP 1/13, fos. 222r–223r.

32 LAO, Register 26, fos. 284v–285r.

33 For an overview of Nicholas Harpsfield’s life and writings see Freeman , Thomas S. , ‘ Harpsfield, Nicholas (1519 –1575) ’ in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography , ed. 60 vols ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 2004 )Google Scholar . Hereafter this work will be cited as ODNB.

34 Harpsfield , Nicholas , Dialogi sex contra summi pontificatus, moasticae vitae, sanctorum, sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores, et pseudomartyres ( Antwerp : Christopher Plantin , 1566 )Google Scholar . Hereafter this work will be cited as DS.

35 ‘si cetera in eo omnia sarta pecta essent et illibata vel ob hanc solam narrationem tam prodigiose deformatam ab omnibus piis foret explodendus’ DS, 853. Harpsfield’s discussion of Cowbridge is DS, 851–61.

37 ‘ex certis piorum et gravium virorum narrationibus, qui non solum incendii, ut Foxus, sed partim eorum, quae Vincamiae, partim eorum, quae Oxonii cum Cowbrigio agebantur, oculati testes errant’ (DS, 856).

40 See TNA SP 1/134, fos. 222r–223r.

46 TNA SP 1/134, fos. 222v–223r.

48 For two different versions of the case, which differ on the extent of Stokesley’s submission and the damage that the incident did to him, see Elton , G. R. , Policy and Police: The Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1972 ), 160 – 162 Google Scholar and Chibi , Andrew A. , Henry VIII’s Conservative Scholar: Bishop John Stokesley and the Divorce, Royal Supremacy and Doctrinal Reform ( Berne : Peter Lang , 1997 ), 152 – 154 Google Scholar . We would like to thank Dr Richard Rex for drawing our attention to this episode.

49 Bowker , Margaret , The Henrician Reformation: the Diocese of Lincoln Under John Longland 1521–1547 ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1981 ), 74 Google Scholar .

50 LAO, Register 26, fos. 284v–285r. It was legally required that, if a heretic was to suffer execution, the church official who condemned the heretic send a writ of excommunication to Chancery. Upon receiving it, Chancery would send a writ, authorising the execution, to the local sheriff. This is the only case we know of where a writ of excommunication was copied into a bishop’s register.

51 ‘1) Ego…Guilelmus Coubrigius publice asservi, sacerdotes reos esse laesae majestatis divinae, qoud hostias in 3 particulas distribuant, et non integram more nostro recipiant.

2) Neminem debere jejuniis se macerare aut corpus castigare.

3) Nolle me confessionem apud sacerdotem edere, nisi meo arbitrio absoluat, et mihi praescribat, ut dicam, ‘Deus propitius esto mihi peccatori’ et ‘benedicat me Deus pater’.

4) Neque Apostolos, neque Evangelistas, neque 4 Ecclesiae doctors adhuc patefecisse, qua ratione peccatores salvi fiant.

5) Confessionem meam hoc septennio fuisse mihi inutilem.

6) Asservi neque vitam, pie actam, nec jenunia posse prodesse ad hominis salutem.

7) Asservi Christum non esse mundi redemptorem, sed futurum mundi deceptorem.

8) Arbitratus sum hanc vocem [Christus] esse foedum nomen illudque ubicunque in libris meis occurebat, plerunque dispunxi.

9) Christi nomen in Jesum commutavi. Et ubi habetur in Symbolo Apostolico ‘in Jesum Christum’, ego canebam et ‘in Jesum Jesum’. Hoc idem egi in precibus [et] in Paschate.

10) Asservi et scripsi universos qui in nomine Christi crediderunt in inferno damnatos.

11) Aperte negavi me unquam nomen Christi confessorum.

12) Haec praeterea Christi verba: ‘Accipite et manducate, hoc est corpus meum, quod pro verbis tradetur’ ad hunc modum intepretatus sum: ‘Hoc et corpus meum in quo populus circumvenietur et decipietur’

(DS, 859–60 the numbering of the articles follows Harpsfield).

52 ‘William Cowbridge erronie dixisse et affirmasse presbyteros frangentis hostiam consecratam in tres partes et eam integram non recipientes (ut laici recipiunt) fore Deo proditores.

Ac neminem jejunare aut corpus suum castigare sine punire debere.

Sequens nolle cuius sacerdoti confiteri peccata sua nisi voluisset talem absolucionem sibi qualem ipsem pecieret et eligeret videlicet ‘Deus pro potius [sic, ‘propitius’ is meant] esto mihi peccatori’ et ‘benedicat me Deus pater’ etc.

Nec apostolos Domini vestri Jhesum Christi nec quatuor Evangelistas neque quatuor doctors Ecclesiae quo modo peccatores solventur adhuc ullo unquam tempore ostendisse seu declarisse.

Errorieque et heretice palam et publice dixisse et affirmasse nullum pie juste vivendi modum aut abstinentiam sive jejunium posse juvare aut prodesse ad salvacionem anime sue.

Ac Christum non esse non redemptorem mundi sed deceptorem.

Atque nomen Christi nomen turpe et sordidum cogitasse, estimasse et vocasse. Illudque nomen Christi ex libro suo matitunali, in nonnullis et quasi omnibus partibus eiusdem obliterasse, delenisse et abolevisse.

Ac contra universalem ecclesiae Christi ordinem nomen Jhesum Christi in Jhesum Jhesum loquendo et cantando etiam publice in ecclesia sua parochia predicta mutasse, cantasse et divulgasse.

Illud etiam nomen Christi eloqui profiteri aut proferre expresse temere et heretice recusasse.

Omnesque in Christo credentes in inferno inane, erronie et heretice scripsisse, dixisse et publicasse.

Atque hec verba Christi videlicet ‘Accipite et manducate hoc est corpus meum quod per vobis et multis tradetur’, perverse, erronee et heretice interpretatum fuisse sub hac forma, ‘Take ye and eate, this is the body wherein the people shalbe deceyved’ (LAO, Register 26, fos. 284v–285r). The last sentence was probably left in the original English to underscore the outlandishness of the belief.

53 Harpsfield , Nicholas , The Life and Death of Sir Thomas Moore, Knight , ed. E. V. Hitchcock and R. W. Chambers, Early English Text Society 186 ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1932 ), 41 Google Scholar .

54 For Draycot’s life and career see Gordon Goodwin and Andrew A. Chibi, ‘Draycot, Anthony (d. 1571)’, ODNB.


Role in the Marian Persecutions

Upon the accession of Mary I in 1553, Harpsfield returned to England, took the degree of DCL at Oxford in 1554, and became Archdeacon of Canterbury in the same year, serving under Reginald Pole. He superintended hundreds of trials targeting lay Protestants in London, which resulted in punishments and intimidation (though not any charges under the revived Heresy Acts). He played an active role in the administration of the diocese of Canterbury, where he zealously promoted heresy trials. Foxejeva knjiga mučenikov (1563 edition) identifies him as "the sorest and of leaste compassion" among the archdeacons involved in the Marian Persecutions and holds him responsible for many deaths in the diocese.


Arms and the Man, A Man for All Seasons

Near the end of the first act of Robert Bolt's A Man for All Seasons, Sir Thomas More, Lord Chancellor of England is on stage with his wife Alice, his daughter Margaret, and his future son-in-law, William Roper. Just leaving is Richard Rich, later to prove the mortal enemy who by perjury sends More to his death. Rich has aroused the suspicions of all, and Alice, Margaret, and Roper urge More to arrest him because be is a bad and dangerous man. More refuses, saying that Rich has broken no law. Exasperated, More's wife bursts out:

ALICE: While you talk, he's gone!

MORE: And go he should, if he was the Devil himself, until he broke the law!

ROPER: So now you'd give the Devil benefit of law!

MORE: Yes. Kaj bi storili? Cut a great road through the law to get after the Devil?

ROPER: I'd cut down every law in England to do that!

MORE: Oh? And when the last law was down, and the Devil turned round on you--where would you hide, Roper, the laws all being flat? This country's planted thick with laws from coast to coast--man's laws, not God's--and if you cut them down--and you're just the man to do it--d'you really think you could stand upright in the winds that would blow then? Da. I'd give the Devil benefit of law, for my own safety's sake.

Sir Howard Beale, the Australian ambassador to this country, took the late Mr. Justice Frankfurter to see Bolt's play in New York in 1962. Beale recounts that the Justice could scarcely contain his excitement during the scene just set out, and as it ended Frankfurter whispered in the dark. "That's the point, that's it, that's it!"

After this lengthy excursus, I can ask: is it the point? The point about the historic figure, More? The point about Bolt's More, as he is portrayed for us by Mr. Daniel Seltzer?

We have a man, More, to whom life had been kind. Vastly admired by his contemporaries for his wit and his learning, he had advanced far in the world of the height of his profession--Lord Chancellor of England and Keeper of the King's Conscience. Although he did not augment his income with bribes, as so many judges then did, he had enough to live more than comfortably. Some evidence suggests that the marriage to Alice (his second) was not wholly satisfactory (in a poem he refers to her as a shrew) but, all in all, Sir Thomas appears to have been as happy in his family as most men hope to be.

And then he sets aside office, finds himself imprisoned in the Tower and finally lays his head upon the executioner's block. The reasons are, of course, familiar--Henry VIII wished to marry Anne, the Pope would not agree with Henry that the royal marriage to Catherine was void unable to put aside Catherine with the consent of the Pope, Henry put aside the Pope. More would not swear to the act of Succession, for it asserted the lawfulness of the King's acts--thus to the Tower. Falsely convicted of open denial of the King's supremacy over the Church, he loses his head. This much is familiar. But, we ask, why? Why does Sir Thomas follow the path of martyrdom that four hundred years later was to make him Saint Thomas? This is the question that Bolt explores in his splendid play and to which I muse essay an answer.

Bolt's answer, as I find it in his text and the reading of it by the Summer School Repertory Theater, is two-fold. First, More believes, almost to the last, that his lawyerly skill will preserve his neck. We find him replying to Roper's fears of an adversary. "He's not the Devil, son Roper, he's a lawyer! And my case is watertight!" Faced with the possibility of a test oath. More, good lawyer that he is, wants to see the statute--"But what is the wording. It will mean what the words lay. It may be possible to take it. Or avoid it. Have we a copy of the Bill?" Enough laws are still planted in England. More thinks, for him to stand whatever winds may blow. The sources that tell us of More's life--his books, his letters, the life by son-in-law Roper, those by the mysterious "Ro: Ba:" and by Nicholas Harpsfield, the records of his trial, stray accounts of his execution--these sources show the truth of this view. A point it is, but not the point (nor did Mr. Justice Frankfurter think it was--his words were a comment on law, not on literature or history.

The second point that Bolt puts forward is More's insistence on the inviolacy of his conscience--he would not say that which he did not believe. And here is where I think Bolt goes wrong. More was a man of conscience and the motive Bolt ascribes to him was a strong one, but Bolt interprets this concept of conscience in an oddly modern way. We find Mr. Seltzer speaking often of "self" and endeavoring to explain his action. He speaks too of God, but I come away from text and performance feeling that this More's God is one Sir Thomas would not have recognized. Bolt gives us almost a Tillichian "ground of being," not the deity of A.D. 1535. When More on the scaffold protested that he "died the King's good servant, but God's first," he, I think, had a simpler more direct faith than Bolt has been able to find words for, a belief whose awful (in its original sense, if you please) intensity we can scarcely comprehend and which Mr. Seltzer, for all the wit and warmth and beauty of his artistry, has not captured.

The play that provokes these thoughts is, despite its failure to achieve greatness, a very fine play indeed. Bolt has read his sources well and gives us an epic of substantial accuracy, deep feeling, and considerable verbal felicity. As a piece of theatre, it moves well, always keeping our attention, occasionally gripping it. A Man for All Seasons, six years after it opened in London, seems likely to have a long life.

The production serves Bolt well. With any play the first question must be about the direction, and Mr. George Hamlin has animated the words and the actors with skill. But with this play we must ask next and urgently about the Sir Thomas, and there Mr. Seltzer serves superlatively. This is a performance that makes one believe in More's goodness, his wit, his integrity a performance of remarkable and lovely serenity.

At the conclusion of it, we feel that we know and admire the same man his contemporaries knew and admired, and it is a moment before we realize how much our admiration must be given also to the actor who has made this possible.

In a generally strong cast I would single out George Wright, Arthur Friedman and Jeff Tambor for particular praise. Wright shows us a King Henry who at first seems curiously light but whose capacity for working his will is slowly and impressively revealed to us. Friedman makes of the Spanish ambassador the supple but less than subtle diplomat he is meant to be while Tambor gives us a Thomas Cromwell of vulpine cunning and cruelty.

Lewis Smith's costumes are sufficient to the occasion, but Judith Haugan's sets are in parts and at times awkwardly distracting. There are other criticisms that might be made: one disastrous piece of casting, that of--but enough! This production should be seen, and I would not discourage you

Želite biti v koraku z najnovejšimi novicami? Naročite se na naše e -novice.


Path to St. Peter ad Vincula Part VII – C

Path to St. Peter ad Vincula Part VII – C

Why did Parliament suddenly declare a marriage unlawful which it had previously declared lawful? Not only is it a mystery to us over half a millennium later, it was baffling to contemporaries. “What an astonishment and wonder was it for us at home to see it, and for all the world beside to hear, that after all this importunate suit to get her to his wife, the King caused her by parliament to be condemned as a foul detestable adulteress” (Harpsfield 254). Even later commentators expressed it was “natural to sympathize with a person cruelly persecuted, unlawfully condemned, and murderously sacrificed to the lust of bloody vengeance, not to the majesty of the law… that it is as difficult positively to pronounce the judgment virtually unjust, as it is easy to declare it actually illegal” (Herbert, Henry 324). So, while many enemies condemned Anne and willingly believed all of the charges against her, there were many who believed in her goodness.

Edward Herbert, Baron of Cherbury, drew on sources including George Cavendish when he praised Anne for her respectable lineage and the education her parents provided. Her accomplishments in singing, dancing and playing musical instruments were particularly stressed. Herbert of Cherbury, no fan of Anne’s, declared “Briefly, it seems the most attractive perfections were eminent in her” (Herbert, Edward 285). Astoundingly, these very talents were vilified by the Marian Archdeacon of Canterbury, Nicholas Harpsfield, and will be discussed later. Even her nemesis Thomas Cromwell spoke to the Spanish Ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, of Anne’s good qualities: he praised her “sense, wit and courage” (Gairdner X 1069).


Edward Herbert, Baron of Cherbury, from 1609-1610

John Foxe, author of Dejstva in spomeniki, (commonly referred to as Foxe’s Book of Martyrs), wrote rather fulsomely of Anne yet, the specific information and circumstances portrayed are accurate. Foxe declared that “many things might be written more of the manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of her mild nature” how she required her chaplains to point out to her any part of her character or behavior “whatsoever they saw in her amiss.” Continuing in this thread, Foxe expressed “how bountiful she was to the poor …insomuch that the alms which she gave in three quarters of a year, in distribution, is summed to the number of fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds” and she always had “a stock there to be employed to the behalf of poor artificers and occupiers” (Foxe V 232-233). He praised her as “a zealous defender of Christ’s gospel …as her acts do and will declare to the world’s end” (Foxe V 233). Confident in her goodness, Foxe knew that more would “be declared of her virtuous life (the Lord so permitting) by others” (Foxe V 234). One such fan was the Scottish theologian, Alexander Alesius (also called Aless or Alesse).

Alesius, who was in London the day Anne was executed, expressed his grief along with Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. According to Alesius, when Cranmer learned of Anne’s death, he “raised his eyes to heaven and said, ‘She who has been the Queen of England upon earth will to-day become a Queen in heaven.’ So great was his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst into tears” (Stevenson 1303-22). Alesius reported himself so overcome with grief he could not venture out and about in town for several days.

Even some men, willing to believe the worst of Anne, conceded how hers was a “pitiful case” and that one has a “duty to lean to the side of innocence, where guilt is not manifestly proven, and to look with suspicious eyes on persecution where the object of the persecutor is notorious” (Herbert, Henry 325). These sentiments led to several writers, such as Alesius who told Elizabeth Regina in 1559 he believed it his duty to “write the history, or tragedy, of the death of your most holy mother, in order to illustrate the glory of God and to afford consolation to the godly” (Stevenson 1303-8). With similar thoughts, John Foxe praised “the rare and singular gifts of her mind” which brought forth Anne’s “desire unto the truth and setting forth of sincere religion, joined with gentleness, modesty and pity toward all men, there have not many such queens before her borne the crown of England” (Foxe).


Anne Boleyn

Alesius clearly believed that Anne was framed for her pursuit of “the purer doctrine of the Gospel.” He believed this because with her “modesty, prudence, and gravity, as her desire to promote the pure doctrine of the Gospel” and her kindness to the poor, only the “enemies of the Gospel, whose intention it was, along with her, to bury true religion in England” could perpetuate such charges (Stevenson 1303-15). The Scot stressed to Elizabeth, “Thus much have I introduced about the tragedy of your most pious mother, in order that this illustrious instance might manifest the glory of God, and that the craft and power of man in vain oppose themselves to Him” (Stevenson 1303). John Foxe could not help but gloat that Anne’s legacy was that “the religion of Christ most happily flourished, and had a right prosperous course” (Foxe).

Cranmer also praised Anne for her religious practices in a letter he wrote to Henry at the time of her arrest. By professing he “loved her not a little, because of the love which she seemed to bear to God, and his Gospel but if she was guilty, all that loved the Gospel must hate her, as having given the greatest slander possible to the Gospel” (Burnet 111). The Archbishop did have a sense of loyalty to Anne as she had been one of his greatest champions, yet, he also was pragmatic. Once it became clear that the King would not back away from the charges put against Anne (he had his eye on Jane Seymour), Cranmer acquiesced in all that was required of him.


Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury

There were “tears and lamentations of the faithful who were lamenting over the snare laid for the Queen, and the boastful triumphing of the foes of the true doctrine” (Stevenson 1319). John Foxe also believed in Anne’s role in Protestantism exclaiming “the end of that godly lady and queen. Godly I call her, for sundry respects, whatsoever the cause was, or quarrel objected against her…. Again, what a zealous defender she was of Christ’s gospel all the world doth know, and her acts do and will declare to the world’s end” (Foxe).

For References, please refer to the blog entry, Path to St. Peter ad Vincula-Part I



Komentarji:

  1. Wesley

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  2. Saxan

    Naredite napako. Pišite mi v PM.

  3. Ahmad

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  5. Duzahn

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  6. Daicage

    It's just a wonderful sentence



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